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Mostrando las entradas con la etiqueta Insurance. Mostrar todas las entradas

07 mayo, 2013

Controlling Health Care Spending — The Massachusetts Experiment

Composition of Massachusetts Residents Newly C...
Composition of Massachusetts Residents Newly Covered under Chapter 58 (as of 1/1/08) (Photo credit: Wikipedia)
As debate rages on about implementation of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), national attention is once again focused on Massachusetts, which instituted a similar comprehensive health care reform package in 2006. After expanding health insurance coverage to almost 98% of the state population, Massachusetts is now struggling to control increasing health care costs that threaten the continued viability of its reforms. This second phase of health care reform presents entirely new challenges. Whereas expanding coverage has popular appeal, cost control does not. Whereas expanding coverage injects additional dollars into the health care system, cost control does the opposite. Whereas expanding coverage can be relatively simple, cost control is difficult. Yet despite these obstacles, Massachusetts forges ahead, with a combination of public and private efforts at payment reform on an unprecedented scale.
Massachusetts spent more than $61 billion on health care in 2009, a figure that places it among the highest-spending states in the country.1 In the past 5 years, growth in health care spending has consistently exceeded economic growth, resulting in challenges both for lawmakers dealing with a constrained state budget and individuals required to purchase coverage privately. In fiscal year 2012, health care will consume 54% of the state's budget, up from 49% in fiscal year 2009, with the bulk going toward Mass Health (Medicaid) and individual subsidies for purchasing health insurance. For individuals, monthly premiums for a minimal (“bronze”) plan purchased through the Commonwealth Choice connector (the state insurance exchange) increased from about $175 in 2007 to $275 in 2012 (a 57% increase), despite slowed growth in overall health care spending since the start of the recession in 2008.
To address these concerns, Governor Deval Patrick convened the Massachusetts Special Commission on the Health Care Payment System, which voted unanimously in July 2009 to recommend that the state transition from a fee-for-service to a global payment system within 5 years. The commission also encouraged providers to band together into accountable care organizations (ACOs) — organizations of providers held jointly accountable for spending and quality of care for a defined population of patients. Meanwhile, the Health Care Quality and Cost Council, created by the 2006 coverage-expansion law, issued its Roadmap to Cost Containment in 2009; in it the council argued strongly for global payment and systemwide redesign to lower spending.2Recognizing that price and volume together account for spending, the Office of the Attorney General and the Division of Health Care Finance and Policy embarked on a landmark effort to document the substantial price variations in the state — illustrating, in several influential reports, the role of providers' market power in determining the prices charged to commercial insurers.3
These activities culminated in a comprehensive payment and delivery reform bill released by Governor Patrick in February 2011. The bill proposes migrating into global payment arrangements most state employees and Medicaid enrollees, groups that together include about 25% of Massachusetts residents.4 It also encourages but does not require providers to form ACOs — with the state providing oversight of market power and price transparency — and includes provisions for malpractice reform favored by physicians. The bill also grants the commissioner of insurance the authority to strike down increases in insurance premiums that result from excessive increases in underlying provider-payment rates. The appropriateness of increases in provider-payment rates will depend on how they compare with growth in the Massachusetts gross state product (the state-level equivalent of the national gross domestic product) and the growth of total medical expenses in the providers' particular region. Combined with global payment, this authority to indirectly regulate providers' prices would be among the strongest policy tools available for cost control. Since the bill's release, state legislators have been drafting their own proposals, and both public and closed-door debates have intensified. The legislative outcome remains unclear.
While the state aggressively pursues its agenda, innovations in the private sector have arguably taken the lead. Most notably, Blue Cross Blue Shield of Massachusetts, the largest commercial insurer in Massachusetts, launched the Alternative Quality Contract (AQC) — based on global payment with shared savings and shared risk, as well as pay-for-performance incentives — with seven provider organizations in 2009. Since then, the AQC has been extended to cover more than a dozen provider organizations and more than 600,000 enrollees. Encouraged by provider organizations and the AQC, Harvard Pilgrim Health Care and Tufts Health Plan, the state's other major insurers, have also negotiated global payment contracts with their provider networks, which will probably push the number of enrollees in commercial insurance plans that have global payment arrangements to more than 1 million.
Finally, and perhaps most important, the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation launched its Pioneer ACO program in January 2012 with 32 advanced provider organizations around the country. Among them are 5 large organizations in eastern Massachusetts (Atrius Health, Beth Israel Deaconess Physician Organization, Mount Auburn Cambridge Independent Practice Association, Partners Healthcare, and Steward Health Care System), which will together care for approximately 150,000 Medicare beneficiaries (roughly 75% of Medicare beneficiaries in the Boston area) under their Pioneer contracts. Additional provider organizations in the state will probably join the Medicare Shared Savings ACO Program later this year.
These synergistic efforts by public and private payers have resulted in a watershed moment in Massachusetts health care. By our estimates, if the Group Insurance Commission, which purchases insurance for state employees, and Medicaid follow Medicare and commercial payers into global payment, substantially more than half of residents of eastern Massachusetts would be cared for by providers working under risk-based contracts. Primary care physicians will have the opportunity and responsibility to steer resource utilization for their organizations, and providers in all specialties will have strong incentives to better coordinate care, improve quality, and intensify their focus on patient-centered care. Referral patterns and the movements of patients from one provider system to another will probably change considerably. Similarly, with strong incentives to reduce spending, provider organizations will probably take an active role in identifying and discouraging the use of low-value services. Opportunities will be ripe for designing incentives within organizations directed at individual physicians as well as teams of providers.5
Yet immense challenges loom. Because enrollees in preferred-provider organizations and most employees of self-insured firms remain largely outside of global payment arrangements, the fee-for-service system retains a substantial role. With global payment expected to constrain spending for a growing proportion of patients, undesirable spillover effects, such as cost shifting onto the fee-for-service population, may occur. At a macro level, Massachusetts relies heavily on specialty-driven tertiary care delivery systems not only for its health care but also for jobs and the education of thousands of physicians-in-training each year. Indeed, health care is an engine of the Massachusetts economy. A crucial question is whether lawmakers will gain the stakeholder support needed to embrace cost control and tackle the roots and drivers of Massachusetts health care spending, given that unintended consequences for the labor market and the broader economy may lie downstream.
No matter the outcome, this wholesale Massachusetts experiment should offer invaluable lessons for other state and federal cost-control efforts, particularly as the ACA is implemented. One lesson is already resoundingly clear: the growth of health care spending threatens the sustainability of every other public service, from education, to public health, to infrastructure, to defense. Indeed, health care spending is the most important determinant of our growing national debt. In a society of limited resources, the imperative for cost control now comes from outside health care. Payment reform may well be a reasonable beginning, but fundamental reform of the delivery system is needed if we are to truly succeed.
Disclosure forms provided by the authors are available with the full text of this article at NEJM.org.
This article (10.1056/NEJMp1201261) was published on April 11, 2012, at NEJM.org.

SOURCE INFORMATION

From the Department of Health Care Policy, Harvard Medical School (Z.S., B.E.L.); and the Division of General Medicine and Primary Care, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center (B.E.L.) — both in Boston; and the National Bureau of Economic Research, Cambridge, MA (Z.S.).

REFERENCES

  1. 1
    Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services. National health expenditure accounts (httphttp://s://www.cms.gov/NationalHealthExpendData).
  2. 2
    Massachusetts Health Care Quality and Cost Council. Roadmap to cost containment. October 21, 2009 (http://www.mass.gov/hqcc).
  3. 3
    Examination of health care cost trends and cost drivers: report for annual public hearing, June 22, 2011. Boston: Office of Attorney General Martha Coakley (http://www.mass.gov/ago/docs/healthcare/2011-hcctd.pdf).
  4. 4
    An act improving the quality of health care and controlling costs by reforming health systems and payments. Boston: Commonwealth of Massachusetts, 2011 (http://www.mass.gov/governor/docs/legislation/paymentreformlegislation.pdf).
  5. 5
    Landon BE. Keeping score under a global payment system. N Engl J Med 2012;366:393-395
    Full Text | Web of Science | Medline

23 abril, 2013

Relationship between occurrence of surgical complications and hospital finances.

JAMA. 2013 Apr 17;309(15):1599-606. doi: 10.1001/jama.2013.2773.

Relationship between occurrence of surgical complications and hospital finances.

Abstract

IMPORTANCE:

The effect of surgical complications on hospital finances is unclear.

OBJECTIVE:

To determine the relationship between major surgical complications and per-encounter hospital costs and revenues by payer type.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS:

Retrospective analysis of administrative data for all inpatient surgical discharges during 2010 from a nonprofit 12-hospital system in the southern United States. Discharges were categorized by principal procedure and occurrence of 1 or more postsurgical complications, using International Classification of Diseases, Ninth Revision, diagnosis and procedure codes. Nine common surgical procedures and 10 major complications across 4 payer types were analyzed. Hospital costs and revenue at discharge were obtained from hospital accounting systems and classified by payer type. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES: Hospital costs, revenues, and contribution margin (defined as revenue minus variable expenses) were compared for patients with and without surgical complications according to payer type.

RESULTS:

Of 34,256 surgical discharges, 1820 patients (5.3%; 95% CI, 4.4%-6.4%) experienced 1 or more postsurgical complications. Compared with absence of complications, complications were associated with a $39,017 (95% CI, $20,069-$50,394; P < .001) higher contribution margin per patient with private insurance ($55,953 vs $16,936) and a $1749 (95% CI, $976-$3287; P < .001) higher contribution margin per patient with Medicare ($3629 vs $1880). For this hospital system in which private insurers covered 40% of patients (13,544), Medicare covered 45% (15,406), Medicaid covered 4% (1336), and self-payment covered 6% (2202), occurrence of complications was associated with an $8084 (95% CI, $4903-$9740; P < .001) higher contribution margin per patient ($15,726 vs $7642) and with a $7435 lower per-patient total margin (95% CI, $5103-$10,507; P < .001) ($1013 vs -$6422).

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE:

In this hospital system, the occurrence of postsurgical complications was associated with a higher per-encounter hospital contribution margin for patients covered by Medicare and private insurance but a lower one for patients covered by Medicaid and who self-paid. Depending on payer mix, many hospitals have the potential for adverse near-term financial consequences for decreasing postsurgical complications.

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Destroy user interface controlMaking surgical complications pay. [JAMA. 2013]

25 febrero, 2012

When it Comes to Colonoscopies, Recession and Co-Pays Matter

English: Spending on U.S. healthcare as a perc...
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Source: http://blogs.wsj.com/health/
By Katherine Hobson By a number of indicators, people have been using fewer medical services during the economic downturn. Screening colonoscopies apparently aren’t immune to that trend, according to a study appearing in the March issue of Clinical Gastroenterology and Hepatology. The study finds that during the recent recession, commercially insured Americans had fewer of the tests to screen for cancer — a test that saves lives, according to research published just this week. According to the analysis, there were about 500,000 fewer screening colonoscopies among commercially-insured people aged 50 to 64 than you’d expect during the most recent recession, which officially lasted from December 2007 to June 2009. (The study used the National Bureau of Economic Research’s official designation for the recession.) The U.S. Preventive Services Task Force recommends colorectal cancer screening using several methods, including colonoscopy, for adults aged 50 to 75. The analysis didn’t find that people forgoing colonoscopy were instead using other, cheaper methods, such as fecal occult blood tests or sigmoidoscopy. Researchers looked at the rates of screening before and after the recession, then applied their findings to population data to come up with an estimate of 516,309 colonoscopies that would have occurred absent the downturn. Data came from 106 health plans and added up to a nationally representative picture of the commercially insured population, the authors say. It doesn’t include people who didn’t have a screening colonoscopy because they lost insurance coverage during the recession, says Spencer Dorn, an author of the study and an assistant professor of medicine in the division of gastroenterology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. And it doesn’t include Medicare or Medicaid beneficiaries. The analysis also found that when it comes to colonoscopy, cost sharing appears to be a deterrent. No matter the economic climate, people with higher out-of-pocket costs — $300 or more for the procedure — were less likely to be screened than those with lower costs, defined as $50 or less. That gap “widened during the recession,” says Dorn. Under the health-care overhaul law, colonoscopy — and other preventive services — must be covered with no cost sharing by Medicare, Medicaid and new private-insurance plans. (“Grandfathered” plans that haven’t significantly changed their design are exempt.) The drop in utilization seen in the study “could have negative consequences down the line,” says Dorn, in terms of cancers being caught at a later stage. (The screening study out this week suggests it might also lead to deaths from the disease.) The CDC last year reported an increase in screening rates for colorectal cancer from 2002 to 2010, but that estimate included all 50- to 75-year-olds and didn’t break down what happened during the intervening years.
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